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  • Supreme CBD Gummies Reviews [Shark Tank, Exposed 2023] Supreme Gummies 300mg,

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  • Supreme Court’s abortion decision puts doctors in legal limbo : Shots

    Supreme Court’s abortion decision puts doctors in legal limbo : Shots

    Dr. Kara Beasley protests the overturning of Roe vs. Wade by the U.S. Supreme Court, in Denver, Colorado on June 24, 2022.

    JASON CONNOLLY/AFP via Getty Images


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    JASON CONNOLLY/AFP via Getty Images

    Dr. Kara Beasley protests the overturning of Roe vs. Wade by the U.S. Supreme Court, in Denver, Colorado on June 24, 2022.

    JASON CONNOLLY/AFP via Getty Images

    Historically, doctors have played a big role in abortion’s legality. Back in the 1860s, physicians with the newly-formed American Medical Association worked to outlaw abortion in the U.S.

    A century later, they were doing the opposite.

    In the 1950s and 1960s, when states were liberalizing abortion laws, “the charge for that actually came from doctors who said, ‘This is insane, we can’t practice medicine, we can’t exercise our medical judgment if you’re telling us that this is off the table,’ ” explains Melissa Murray, law professor at New York University.

    The Supreme Court ruled in doctors’ favor in Roe v. Wade in 1973. The majority opinion spoke of “the right of a woman in consultation with her physician to choose an abortion,” Murray says.

    Yet doctors and patients are all but absent from the latest Supreme Court majority opinion on abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. In fact, in the opinion, Justice Samuel Alito uses the derogatory term “abortionist” instead of physician or doctor or obstetrician-gynecologist.

    Legal experts say that signals a major shift in how the court views abortion, and creates a perilous new legal reality for physicians. In states where abortion is restricted, health care providers may be in the position of counseling patients who want an abortion, including those facing pregnancy complications, in a legal context that treats them as potential criminals.

    For doctors, abortion restrictions create an 'impossible choice' when providing care

    “Alito’s framing is that abortion is and was a crime – that’s the language he uses,” says Mary Ziegler, a law professor at the University of California, Davis. There’s no dispute, she says, that “the result of a decision overruling Roe in the short term is going to be the criminalization of doctors.”

    Roe v. Wade was doctor-centered

    Doctors were at the heart of the court’s first landmark ruling on abortion, Roe v. Wade.

    “The original Roe decision – it was very, very doctor-centered – extremely so,” says Ziegler, who has written extensively on the legal history of abortion. “At its inception, this was a right that was very much about health care and about the doctor-patient relationship.”

    Roe and the abortion decisions that came after it like Planned Parenthood v. Casey, “had the framework that abortion is some sort of individual right, but it’s also health care,” explains Carmel Shachar, executive director of the Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology, and Bioethics at Harvard Law School.

    The court essentially told states: “You can put restrictions on abortion services and on provider qualifications as you do for other types of health care, and as long as they are not so onerous that we think they’re implicating Roe and Casey, we’re fine with that,” Shachar says.

    State legislatures that wanted to restrict abortion did so using the apparatus of health care regulation, she says.

    Those restrictions have included informed consent laws, waiting periods, telemedicine restrictions, clinic regulations, hospital admitting requirements for providers, insurance restrictions and more.

    The effort to restrict abortion through medically unnecessary regulations – “was simultaneously, I think, treating abortion as health care and delegitimizing the idea that abortion is health care,” Ziegler says.

    These regulations often tried to control the details of how doctors provide abortions more strictly than other areas of medicine, she notes. “The anti-abortion movement’s framing was basically, ‘We’re protecting women from the ‘abortion industry’ by regulating the way abortion providers work.’ “

    A new legal framework

    A more recent abortion decision – Gonzales v. Carhart in 2007 – previewed the Supreme Court’s move away from deferring to doctors in the context of abortion, Ziegler says. At stake was the legality of so-called “partial birth abortion,” a procedure used to perform late-term abortions, which Congress had banned in 2003.

    “The fight in that case was about whether doctors get to define what this procedure is and whether it’s needed for patients or whether Congress does,” she says. “The Supreme Court in the case essentially says, if there’s any kind of disagreement about science – legislators get to break the tie.”

    In Dobbs, the latest decision about abortion from the Supreme Court, “it’s an even bigger breach because there’s not even the pretense of caring about doctors,” she says.

    Supporters of the Dobbs opinion don’t see the absence of physicians as an omission. Abortion “really doesn’t have any place in the practice of medicine,” Dr. Christina Francis of the Association of Pro-Life Obstetricians and Gynecologists told NPR after the decision was released. Her group submitted an amicus brief in the Dobbs case, which urged the court to overturn Roe v. Wade.

    In his opinion for the majority, Alito quotes the Mississippi law banning abortion after 15 weeks, which called abortion “a barbaric practice, dangerous for the maternal patient, and demeaning to the medical profession.”

    Ziegler says the idea has been percolating for years in the anti-abortion movement “that abortion was not medicine, was not health care.” She says it was fueled in the 1980s when Bernard Nathanson, a doctor who formerly provided abortions, had a political and religious conversion.

    “He wrote this book in the ’80s called Aborting America, which was what he called an exposé of the ‘abortion industry,’ ” she explains. “That term really caught on with the anti-abortion movement – that essentially abortion was a for-profit industry, kind of like the tobacco industry.”

    That idea has continued to be powerful and its influence is apparent in Dobbs, she says. Alito’s opinion reflects the idea that “abortion providers are not doctors in the sense we usually understand – that they were historically thought of as criminals and what they’re doing is unprotected.”

    A ‘glaring’ omission

    Many doctors and legal analysts adamantly disagree with Alito’s view. Two dozen medical groups, including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the American Medical Association, told the court that abortion is a key part of reproductive health care, that it is safe, and that doctors need to be able to treat patients without government interference.

    “I think the failure to consider the interests of the pregnant person and of the clinicians that treat them [in the majority opinion] was glaring,” says Molly Meegan, chief legal officer and general counsel at ACOG. She adds the use of the term “abortionist” in the opinion was “inflammatory, inaccurate – these are clinicians, these are providers, these are medical professionals.”

    Shachar at Harvard takes issue with the “history and traditions” approach Alito used in his analysis to determine that abortion is not a protected right, focusing on statutes from the 19th century.

    “Medical care has just changed so dramatically from – bite a bullet and we’ll amputate your leg,” she says. “It’s really shocking to say, ‘We need to go by the historical conception,’ when we have all agreed that we want to live in a modern society that has medical care, that doesn’t treat women like chattel.”

    Michele Goodwin, who directs the Center for Biotechnology and Global Health Policy at UC Irvine, says Dobbs and the state abortion laws that can now take effect single out physicians who provide abortions “for disparate treatment amongst various other kinds of care.”

    “That would be one thing if, in fact, these were very risky procedures that led to high rates of mortality, but, in fact, it’s just the opposite,” she says. Abortion is very safe, she adds, pointing out that pregnancy leads to death 14 times more often than an abortion. That means that doctors who provide abortions “are absolutely essential, actually, in the provision of reproductive health care,” she says.

    The role of doctors ahead

    Physicians who provide abortions are in an incredibly difficult spot as they try to navigate the new legal landscape, especially in cases where a pregnant patient is sick or has complications. Intervene, and you risk violating the law and being sued, losing your medical license, even going to jail. Don’t intervene and you could be risking your patient’s life, and potentially being sued by the patient or family.

    “We are hearing from our doctors on the ground at all times of day and night,” says Meegan of ACOG. “They are scared, they are in an impossible situation, and they don’t know how to define laws that are happening by the minute.”

    Dr. Katie McHugh is an OB-GYN who provides labor and delivery and abortion care at several clinics around Indiana, where abortion is currently still legal. Since the Supreme Court decision, she’s seen a wave of new patients coming from Ohio, Tennessee, and Kentucky for abortion care. She’s trying to keep track of the laws in these neighboring states to know what she can do for these patients.

    “We’re trying to be very, very careful,” she says. “Especially as things are evolving, I’m sure that I have made a mistake. And it is so scary to me to know that I’m not only worrying about my patients’ medical safety, which I always worry about, but now I am worrying about their legal safety, my own legal safety.”

    “The criminalization of both patients and providers is incredibly disruptive to just normal patient care,” she adds.

    The legal landscape is very much in flux. Bans are going into effect, some have been blocked by judges, and new restrictions are being drafted by state lawmakers. The laws that are in effect are often confusing and unclear, and doctors warn that is likely to affect care beyond abortion, including miscarriage care and treatment for ectopic pregnancy and more.

    It could be that doctors’ groups like the American Medical Association and ACOG get involved in the legal fight here and again play a role in pushing to liberalize abortion laws, just like they did decades ago.

    “I think that medical societies have a responsibility and an influence that should be used right now,” says Meegan. She notes AMA recently adopted a resolution that defines abortion as a human right, and that many organized medical groups across specialties are united in fighting against the criminalization of medical care.

    “Recent political and legal mobilizations around abortion have not been led by doctors,” notes Ziegler. “Historically, doctors have been a really big reason abortion was decriminalized before, and if [they’re] going to be again, I think you have to have the medical profession potentially be more outspoken and united in talking about this than it has been to date.”

  • After Supreme Court leak, future of abortion in NC

    After Supreme Court leak, future of abortion in NC

    By Elizabeth Thompson and Rose Hoban

    As abortion rights advocates across the country chewed over a leaked U.S. Supreme Court draft opinion that would strike down the 1973 landmark Roe v. Wade decision that legalized abortion, North Carolina Democrats emphasized the importance of the state government’s role in keeping abortion legal.

    At a press conference at the North Carolina General Assembly on Wednesday, North Carolina Democrats and abortion rights advocates stressed that the draft opinion is not yet in effect. 

    Sen. Natalie Murdock (D-Durham), said the future of abortion “will begin in the States.”

    “What we now unfortunately know is we cannot depend on the U.S. Supreme Court,” Murdock said. “It is up to us and state legislative bodies to continue to hold the line to say that we will fight to maintain full freedom and autonomy over our bodies so that we can determine our own future and destiny.”

    The leaked draft opinion, written by Justice Samuel Alito, would overrule Roe v. Wade, which gave pregnant people the ability to choose to have an abortion without excessive government restriction. 

    Should the draft become the Supreme Court’s decision, it would throw decisions about abortion access to state governments, instead of being a federally recognized right. 

    Meanwhile, North Carolina has laws on the books that limit the ability to get an abortion. Some of those statutes pre-date 1973, when Roe went into effect, and some were penned after in attempts to chip away at Roe’s allowances. 

    But what would happen in North Carolina is far from clear.

    Crossing state lines

    In the past year, Texas and Oklahoma passed restrictive abortion laws that only allow the procedure for up to six weeks after conception. In the wake of implementation, abortion providers in other states have said they’ve seen patients arriving from Texas. 

    “We have helped patients come in from as far as the Rio Grande Valley, all the way to our clinic in Minnesota or our clinic in Virginia, or Maryland,” Sonja Miller, head of the Texas-based Whole Woman’s Health Alliance, told a gathering of health care journalists in Austin, Texas this past weekend. 

    Whole Woman’s Health, which also has clinics in other states, recently opened a clinic south of Minneapolis. 

    “[We] began serving our first patients with in-clinic surgical procedures at the end of February,” said Miller.

    Miller referred to surgical abortions, which tend to take place after about 12 weeks of pregnancy and require a physical procedure done by a health care provider. In recent years, people looking to terminate a pregnancy have also had the option of “medical” abortion, which uses a combination of mifepristone and misoprostol pills to end a pregnancy. Medical abortions can be self-administered by the person seeking an abortion and can only be used for up to about 12 weeks after conception. 

    Miller said that her organization deliberately situated the Minnesota facility close to the airport. 

    “We … opened it because we wanted a place that is in a safe state, a haven state,” she said. “Minnesota is such a state where we could take our patients.”

    She said that about 30 percent of the patients currently being seen at that clinic are from outside of Minnesota, with many arriving from Texas.

    ‘Squishy language’

    In 2020 in North Carolina (the latest year for state statistics), the state Department of Health and Human Services recorded 25,058 abortions, with 37.4 percent of procedures done surgically, and 59.1 percent of abortions were accomplished using the combination of pills. (DHHS data notes that 3.5 percent of procedures are “unknown.”)

    Statistics show of all the procedures taking place in North Carolina in that year, almost 99 percent of procedures were performed on state residents.

    That could change, said Meghan Boone, a faculty member at the Wake Forest University law school who specializes in issues of constitutional law and reproductive rights. She said North Carolina could see an influx of people seeking abortion care in the coming months if the Supreme Court strikes down Roe later this summer.

    North Carolina is circled by states that have so-called “trigger laws” which go into effect to restrict or ban abortion should the Supreme Court overturn Roe, she explained. And it is likely that South Carolina, Tennessee and West Virginia would all ban abortion as soon as the Supreme Court decision is made.

    The laws on North Carolina’s books, however, are less clear. 

    “There’s a little bit of sort of squishy language in 14-44,” Boone said referring to the North Carolina law written in 1881 that made abortion illegal. 

    That law was altered in modern times, first by a 1967 law that made abortion legal to preserve the life of the mother, in the case of the pregnancy resulting from rape or incest, or if “the child would be born with grave physical or mental defect.”

    Eventually, state law was altered in 1973 to conform with the Roe v. Wade ruling that had been decided earlier that year, but the North Carolina statute placed a prohibition on procedures taking place after the 20th week of pregnancy. That post-20-week ban was struck down by a federal judge in the Bryant v Woodall case, which was decided in 2021. 

    All those layers of laws and court decisions make for a murky picture in the absence of Roe, Boone said. 

    “You have one part of the criminal code that says ‘you can’t do this,’ but then other parts of the criminal code that say, ‘you can do this in these sorts of circumstances, situations’” she said. “It’s just not clear that you would be able to criminally prosecute someone under these earlier laws in the face of more modern laws that suggests that legal abortions are legal.”

    Enforcement in a post-Roe world

    It’s also not clear what would have to happen to make North Carolina’s older laws go into effect. 

    “You could have a prosecutor who decided to bring charges and then I think in the face of that you would have a criminal defendant who would make an argument that that law was no longer valid in light of the post-Roe subsequent changes to the criminal code, which made their particular circumstance legal,” Boone said. 

    There’s also the possibility that the legislature could act, she said. But Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper has vetoed several abortion bills passed by the Republican-majority legislature since he was elected in 2016. 

    Cooper doubled down on his support for abortion in a tweet Monday night, as the Supreme Court leak started to go viral on social media.

    There could be further legislative action to reinstate the 20 week limitation law, but with a Democratic governor and too few Republicans in the legislature to override a gubernatorial veto that seems unlikely. 

  • Supreme Court refuses to block Maine’s COVID-19 vaccine mandate for health care workers

    Supreme Court refuses to block Maine’s COVID-19 vaccine mandate for health care workers

    The U.S. Supreme Court has turned down an unexpected emergency enchantment from Maine wellness treatment personnel to halt a COVID-19 vaccine mandate that took effect Friday.

    Health and fitness care workers at hospitals and nursing residences in the course of the point out chance shedding their work if they are not vaccinated and spiritual exemptions are not getting available.

    Supreme Court Justice nominee Neil Gorsuch listens as he is asked a question by Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, on Capitol Hill in Washington, Wednesday, March 22, 2017, during his confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)

    Supreme Court docket Justice nominee Neil Gorsuch listens as he is requested a issue by Sen. Mazie Hirono, D-Hawaii, on Capitol Hill in Washington, Wednesday, March 22, 2017, all through his affirmation listening to just before the Senate Judiciary Committee. (AP Image/Susan Walsh)
    (AP)

    Three justices  – Neil Gorsuch, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito – signed on to a dissent composed by Gorsuch, who proposed they would have adhered to the ask for from Maine health care personnel.

    “This circumstance presents an vital constitutional issue, a significant error, and an irreparable damage,” Gorsuch wrote. “Exactly where lots of other States have adopted spiritual exemptions, Maine has charted a different program. There, health care staff who have served on the entrance line of a pandemic for the past 18 months are now being fired and their procedures shuttered. All for adhering to their constitutionally protected religious beliefs.”

    Seated from left to right: Justices Samuel A. Alito, Jr. and Clarence Thomas, Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr. and Justices Stephen G. Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor. Standing from left to right: Justices Brett M. Kavanaugh, Elena Kagan, Neil M. Gorsuch,and Amy Coney Barrett.  (Photograph by Fred Schilling, Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States)

    Seated from still left to ideal: Justices Samuel A. Alito, Jr. and Clarence Thomas, Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr. and Justices Stephen G. Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor. Standing from remaining to ideal: Justices Brett M. Kavanaugh, Elena Kagan, Neil M. Gorsuch,and Amy Coney Barrett.  (Photograph by Fred Schilling, Selection of the Supreme Court of the United States)
    (Supreme Court of the United States)

    “Their plight is deserving of our focus,” Gorsuch added. “I would grant relief.”

    In a assertion agreeing with the court’s unwillingness to contain alone in the make any difference, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who was joined by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, explained the court has “discretionary judgment” on whether or not to just take emergency appeals like this and claimed the court docket was becoming requested to “grant incredible relief.”

    Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett is sworn in during a confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Monday, Oct. 12, 2020, on Capitol Hill. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, Pool)

    Supreme Court docket nominee Amy Coney Barrett is sworn in for the duration of a confirmation hearing in advance of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Monday, Oct. 12, 2020, on Capitol Hill. (AP Photograph/Patrick Semansky, Pool)
    (AP)

    Democratic Gov. Janet Mills ordered Maine’s vaccine prerequisite. A federal judge in Maine declined to prevent the mandate, concluding that a lawsuit was unlikely to do well. The Oct. 13 choice prompted a flurry of appeals that landed, for a next time, in the Supreme Courtroom.

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    The Liberty Counsel, which filed the lawsuit, claimed to be symbolizing far more than 2,000 wellness care employees who do not want to be forcibly vaccinated.

    In August, Barrett denied an charm from learners at Indiana University to block the school’s vaccine mandate.